Bahu can’t occupy in-laws’ own property: Delhi high court

Bahu can’t occupy in-laws’ own property: Delhi high court


NEW DELHI: A daughter-in-law has no right to continue to occupy the self-acquired property of her parents-in-law against their wishes, the Delhi high court has held in a significant order.

Justice A K Pathak in a recent verdict, made it clear that a self-acquired property doesn’t fall under the definition of a “shared household” enunciated in the Domestic Violence Act and a daughter in law can’t enforce her right in such a property.

In fact, HC went a step further, holding that even an adult son or daughter has no legal right to occupy the self-acquired property of the parents against their consent.

“Daughter-in-law cannot assert her rights, if any, in the property of her parents-in-law wherein her husband has no right, title or interest. She cannot continue to live in such a house of her parents-in-law against their consent and wishes. In my view, even an adult son or daughter has no legal right to occupy the self-acquired property of the parents; against their consent and wishes. A son or daughter if permitted to live in the house occupies the same as a gratuitous licensee and if such licence is revoked, he has to vacate the said property,” the court noted in its order.

HC was hearing an appeal by the daughter-in-law against a trial court’s verdict directing her to hand over peaceful and vacant possession of the property to her estranged father-in-law. In her plea in HC the woman said she is a legally wedded wife and has a right to live in the property from where her father-in-law wants her evicted.

She claimed that the property was purchased out of joint family funds. Accusing the father-in-law and husband of harassing her for dowry, she informed HC that she is living separately from her husband due to matrimonial discord and divorce proceedings are on. Under DV Act, the property is a shared household where she has the right to reside, the wife maintained.

But the father in law through advocate Prabhjit Jauhar told HC that he is sole owner of the self-acquired property. Jauhar also convinced the court that the property was not purchased from joint family funds and his son had no share in it.

The father-in-law furnished before the court proof that he disowned his son in 2010 who has since then been living separately.

Justice Pathak concluded that the legal position “which can be culled out from the above reports is that the daughter-in-law has no right to continue to occupy the self -acquired property of her parents-in-law against their wishes more so when her husband has no independent right therein nor is living there, as it is not a “shared household” within the meaning of Section 17(1) of The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005.”

HC also took into account lack of evidence to show that suit property was purchased from joint family funds.


Reminisences of the Nehru Age – Mathai’s SHE

Private Secretary of First Prime Minister of INDIA, Mr M.O. Mathai wrote a book about his time at Prime Minister’s Office for more than a decade.

This chapter was withdrawn by author M. O. Mathai for it being too explicitly pointing towards the behaviour of one of the Prime Minister of INDIA.


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Reminisences of the Nehru Age – in Two Parts

Private Secretary of First Prime Minister of INDIA, Mr M.O. Mathai wrote a book about his time at Prime Minister’s Office for more than a decade.


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Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace

Sexual harassment and women lawyers
The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace Act, 2013, uses the definition of sexual harassment,as laid down by the Supreme Court of India in the famous Vishakha case of 1997. The very court that gave this innovative law held back on its implementation for 16 long years.
Naina Kapur

It’s easy to imagine a time early on in one’s legal career when women faced sexual harassment in some form or the other. Thirty years ago we weren’t equipped to respond to a senior lawyer making some implied sexual advance as if it were a norm. Or to a client, say an ageing chairperson of a reputed public undertaking who, with shameless ease and mild amusement, could lean forward and suggest we “sort it out at my place”.

It never seemed to cross the mind of the now proverbial man “old enough to be my father” that this and so much more, was not only professionally inappropriate but sexually offensive. For him or others like him, it was well… just the way things are. And why should we have been equipped? Why couldn’t we take for granted that we, like our male counterparts, could go to court, undertake a legal brief, or enter a contractual negotiation free from the experience of being groped, sexually belittled, ogled, touched, or otherwise sexually demeaned or harmed without fearing the stigma or being perceived as prudish? Because then, unlike now, it was about moral wrongs and not equality rights.

Equality denied: By not implementing Vishakha guidelines by the Supreme Court of India
Equality denied: By not implementing Vishakha guidelines by the Supreme Court of India

Unequal experiences

Many women have encountered sexual harassment at the workplace, but when you are a lawyer, few are willing to admit it. In a study carried out by Sakshi (NGO) on judicial perceptions of women who come to the court in situations of violation, 80 women lawyers in 5 metros were interviewed. 64 per cent of women lawyers surveyed said they often felt patronised, ignored, demeaned, harassed or treated like an outsider both in subtle and overt ways in the course of their professional life. When specifically asked if they had ever experienced physical or verbal sexual harassment by judges, lawyers, court personnel or others, 54 per cent of female lawyers reported verbal and physical sexual harassment from both judges and other lawyers. Off the record, many more women advocates interviewed admitted to have experienced some form of sexual harassment. For the sake of their careers they didn’t complain. That was 1996.

Then came Vishakha. A landmark shift reminding us that we didn’t have to be sexually violated to make a living. It introduced us to the contemporary idea that constitutional equality at work raised the human status of those unequal experiences. And unlike the legalese (legal lexicon) that often mangled our experience of sexual violations through incomprehensible law reform, Vishakha made the beneficiary matter. It was user friendly. It prioritised prevention, called on workplaces to raise awareness about sexual harassment, created an innovative redress model and ensured that the responsibility for compliance would lie with the employer. Or so we thought.

Not for legal eagles

16 years post Vishakha, the very court that gave us an innovation, held back on its implementation. With that inexcusable omission, it knowingly allowed a vacuum to prevail which would foster workplace sexual harassment in the legal profession. In this context, a revelation this November by a legal intern of sexual harassment by a retired judge of the Supreme Court was simply a classic case waiting to happen. And the skeletons continued to tumble out with a second intern posting she had been “at the receiving end of unsolicited sexual advance [sic] more than once” by the same judge. Three other cases and four others by instances of young lawyers being sexually harassed by other judges surfaced. Alongside those revelations came Tehelka and Vishakha revived.

Overnight sexual harassment in the profession was no longer about whispers in the corridors of a court, a gripe or some prudish resistance by a woman, but a legitimate grievance. One that was visible, audible and relevant. Or at least its exposure was. By abandoning a Vishakha compliant workplace at the Supreme Court itself, it was only matter of time for an increasing population of young women law professionals to no longer bear the cost of silence, and opt to speak up. Blindfolded by the inevitable consequences of its own complacency, the opportunity seemed ripe for the Court to comply with Vishakha. Surprisingly it didn’t.

Instead, the CJI(Chief Justice of India) invoked an entirely independent committee of 3 Supreme Court Judges, one woman and two men, to look into the matter. Why? Six days later, a petition signed by women practising at the Supreme Court, led by the Additional Solicitor General called upon the CJI to constitute the Committee in accordance with the Vishakha judgement – 50 per cent women and an external member familiar with the legal implications of sexual harassment. Again, it didn’t.

Courts above law?

We were left instead to the assurances of the CJI “that justice will be done in all respects” and that he had promptly constituted a Committee to look into “an incident of alleged aberration.” Aberration? How did the very Court which gave historic recognition and expression to women’s experience of inappropriate sexual behaviour as workplace sexual harassment which violated our Constitutional equality rights, reduce such recognition to an “aberration”? An approach echoed in the Tehelka journalists’ complaint of alleged “sexual violation” by Tarun Tejpal, which was projected by its feminist Managing Editor, as an “untoward incident”. Pattern anyone?

On the 7th of December, the CJI published his conclusions on the report of the Panel that probed the intern incident. For the first time, the real purpose of this entire exercise became obvious. According to the statement, the CJI took up the matter because of the “fact that such allegation against a Supreme Court Judge will have a direct bearing on the Institution’s reputation and credibility”. In other words, it was never about the impact of sexual harassment on the intern, but the potential impact (read “fall-out”) for the Institution. The statement goes on to share that the role of the Panel was to “ascertain the truth of the allegations.” Seven sittings and three affidavits later, lo and behold, they figured out what we all knew from just reading the blog. She was actually telling the truth. No wonder the intern described her experience before the Panel as “being looked at with suspicious eyes”. The CJI goes on to accept that the intern’s statements and her witnesses, “prima facie discloses an act of unwelcome behaviour (unwelcome verbal/non-verbal conduct of sexual nature) by Justice (Retd.) A.K. Ganguly with her in the room in hotel Le Meridien on 24.12.2012 approximately between 8.00 P.M. and 10.30 P.M.”

Self-preservation of the court

Then, in an inexplicable twist, the statement quickly concludes that as the intern was not on the rolls of the Supreme Court and the Judge had retired `no further action is required by the Court`. Did one of the Panel or the CJI bother to read the blog? Those facts were already in the public domain. If the Panel had no jurisdiction over either the intern or Justice Ganguly in the first instance, then why even bother with a finding? Yet having found a prima facie case of sexual harassment by Justice Ganguly towards the intern, the CJI should have logically followed through with the Vishakha equation. Was there a legal injury to the intern’s equality rights? Given the unequal power dynamic between the intern and the Judge, the answer was an unequivocal yes. That finding alone would have nudged “workplace sexual harassment” that much closer to transforming social inequality of women lawyers into their status of equality.

Which makes me ask- who then actually benefited from this outcome? Net, net, the Supreme Court. Not only was it an occasion for them to close the door on complaints about retired judges, it brought relief to a Court clearly worried about a stray media headline suggesting one of its own as the potential offender. The entire episode was never about justice for the intern. Rather, it was a blatant exercise in self-preservation. After 16 years of non-compliance with Vishakha and increasing public pressure to act on “workplace sexual harassment,” this was an occasion that cried out for the Court- at the very least — to communicate a tough zero tolerance message on sexual harassment of women in the legal profession, be the offender a clerk, a client, a lawyer, a judge, retired or not. It didn’t.


While headlines on such appointments (women appointed in senior positions) make visible the obvious contribution women are making within the legal profession, the trickle of numbers betrays an underlying subtext of systemic bias within which decision-making about such appointments (be it the Bench or the Bar) continues to take place.” — Naina Kapur

Subtlety of the sub- text

Despite such a disappointing outcome, it’s fair to ask — has anything changed with Vishakha? Yes. Experiences of sexual violations at work have a name — workplace sexual harassment — and the status of those affected by such experiences are no longer just about moral wrongs, but about fundamental rights. The stigma and fear of thirty years ago in the profession is perhaps lessening. Where violations of equality arise as a result of workplace sexual harassment, there are more places to complain about it. On the same date as the CJI washed his hands of the intern matter, a group of junior women lawyers petitioned the High Court of Allahabad alleging sexual harassment by their male colleagues. That petition has been admitted and a Committee being set up.

In the end the lesson from Vishakha versus the CJI’s inaction is a recurring one — at the end of every legal intervention is a beneficiary. How and if they benefit depends on what’s at the beginning of every legal intervention — an attitude.

For the “persons” who are women

In 1915, having completed all the necessary qualifications in law, Regina Guha applied to be a pleader at the Calcutta Bar, where a four-judge bench had to determine whether “persons” admitted as “pleaders” included women.

Degrees in law could be conferred on both men and women in Calcutta University. But the bench was adamant for letting a woman be a pleader.

According to a 2013 list of Senior Advocates designated by the Supreme Court of India since 1955, only five out of 309 advocates have been women.

Of the 200-plus lawyers appointed as Senior Advocates in Delhi and Mumbai over a period of twenty years (up to 2011), only three were women.

The writer runs a virtual law firm “Preventive Law & Equality Compliance.” She was the lead instructing counsel for Vishakha v. St. Of Rajasthan, 1997, Supreme Court of India. 


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Encourage Girl Child

Update (Jan 30, ‘2015) :

just refer to this news from tribune, if girls were getting some kind of stipend or scholarship for going to school until the age of 18 this illegal marriage might not have happened.

Original idea/suggestion starts here :

People in INDIA are obsessed with a male heir ( even if they do not possess any assets ).

This is one of the main reasons people go for sex determination tests and if it is expected to be a girl, some people ( exceptions are always there ) do not hesitate for a moment to get the abortion done ( notwithstanding the physical and emotional burden the mother to be has to endure ).

Another reason is expectation of gifts ( or dowry ) by the grooms side at the time of marriage thus girls are considered burden by the parents, I think tradition of swayamvar needs to be revived.

Now this  has created a situation where there  are not enough girls of marriageable age for the marriageable boys, this in turn creates various societal problems ( this is for another discussion ).

Today I want to discuss about encouraging girl child, meaning society as a whole supports birth, rearing and education of the girl and parents also fully support it.

As Government is spending on so many social causes like MNREGA, MID-day meal, OLD-Age pensions, scholarships for minorities, scholarships for poor gifted students etc.

govt should provide some scholarship/pension/stipend to the parents who have a girl child ( say Rs 100/-(or 50/-) per month until her marriage ), there can be various conditions like :

  1. if all the children are girls  each one of them gets say Rs 100/- per month.

  2. if there are many girls ( say 3 or 5 or 7 ) and then a boy all of them get stipend.

  3. but if there is another child born after many girls and boy then stipend is taken away for all the kids or reduced by a percentage ( say 50% or even 70%).

  4. Age of the Mother during the first born ( eg. if mother is 23 yrs plus child gets 10% more stipend, if mother’s age is more than 25 yrs 20% more stipend etc. ).

  5. another one can be combined age of mother and father ( say more than 27 yrs avg then 10% more etc. ).

  6. another one can be difference between birth of children (say diff > 3 yrs they get 10% more for each eligible child, if diff > 5 yrs they get 20% more).

  7. another one can be number of children ( say after 2 children mother and father both go for operation then children get 20% more each, if only one child after 5 yrs of age of only child, increase the stipend by say 10-20% then after 10 yrs increase by another 10-20% etc. or each year for single child increase by 2-10%).

  8. further if parents have another child after boy stipend reduces by 10%-20% for each child and child born after the boy do not get any stipend. however if all children are girls ( say upto 5 or unlimited ) all of them should get stipend.

  9. Another variation can be give 5%-10% tax break to people if they have say two girls only and both parents go for operation.

  10. State can be encouraged to participate as well by contributing at least 10% or 50% or 90% of stipend and Central Govt contributing rest of 90% or 50% or 10%.

  11. Its also a good idea to provide stipend to unmarried girls above 18 yrs of say Rs 500/- or Rs 1000/- per month which can be shared by State and Centre.


This will help in encouraging the girl child ( as they will be able to demand their rights because govt is providing funds for them ) and parents will not consider girls as burden. Also this will help in reducing the population as people will be encouraged to delay having babies late in their life.

Related Links :

Peter Nolan’s Book & utube links – How to live free in a Femi-nazi world

B01 – The Book

The Book                                  Part 1 of 8                                  Part 2 of 8                                  Part 3 of 8                                Part 4 of 8                                 Part 5 of 8                                Part 6 of 8                                Part 7 of 8                                Part 8 of 8

Wife versus mistress

Wife versus mistress
But it is still a man’s world

Ten men are not chasing a single woman — as was anticipated after the drastic fall in the number of baby girls born over the last decade. The worst-case- scenario painted by the demographers may still be some time away. So far it is the same old wife versus mistress story, retold in the communist yet capitalist Republic of China, where a typical wife in the fastest growing economy is unhappy sharing the wallet of her husband with his mistress. Apart from sharing the conjugal rights! Despite the enviable economic growth achieved by both sexes, the social matrix still seems to be in favour of men — as they continue to enjoy the affections of the two – the wife and the mistress, both vying for the men in power. Keeping mistresses had always been the prerogative of the rich and powerful and China seems to be no exception. The anti-mistress association founded by Liu Zhixian, who failed to persuade her husband to abandon his mistress is now seeking to provide an online platform to other distressed sisters, to share the agonies of wifehood.

The chances of mistresses creating a similar platform may be thin due to social stigma attached to their status. The Chinese sisters would do well if they learnt a thing about Indian law, which, by a recent intervention of the apex court, recognised the live-in relationship as legal and also allowed a woman who has lived in a relationship for a considerable amount of time benefits of maintenance under Section 125 of the Cr P C. After all, in a global village things travel fast, and China is not far.

They may also get some solace from the fact that in India it is not only the weaker sex that suffers from such agonies of spouse betrayal, in a rare example of gender equality this country launched a forum created by harassed husbands, christened hypocritically as ‘Save India Family Foundation’, with branches in 50 cities of 20 states and an enviable following by the battered men. Ms Zhixian and the wives club could also draw some succour from the fact that many American counsellors suggest extra- marital relationship to save a marriage. Their marriage is on solid ground — going by these parameters.

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